Before the Verdict: Understanding the Holy Commonwealth

Before we decide what to think about the Puritans, we should first understand what they believed they were trying to build. This opening essay invites readers to set aside modern assumptions and enter the world of seventeenth-century Massachusetts on its own terms, where covenant, community, and faith shaped every aspect of public life.

History has a way of deceiving us.

We inherit finished sermons, printed books, signed declarations, and established institutions. We know how the story ends. We know which names become famous, which decisions are celebrated, and which failures are remembered. Time smooths away uncertainty and leaves us with the comforting illusion that the people who shaped history somehow knew where history was leading them.

They did not.

John Winthrop did not know what would become of the colony he helped establish. Samuel West did not know that his Election Sermon would one day be remembered as a defining sermon of the American Revolution. Jonathan Edwards did not imagine that one sermon would overshadow a lifetime devoted to preaching, pastoral ministry, and theological reflection. Like us, they lived one day at a time, making decisions with incomplete knowledge, wrestling with Scripture, praying for wisdom, revising their thoughts, seeking counsel from trusted friends, and trusting that God was leading them even when the road ahead remained hidden.

That is how history is actually lived.

Yet that is rarely how history is written.

The temptation of every historian is to begin with the conclusion and work backward. Knowing the outcome, we are inclined to read every earlier event as though it were leading inevitably toward it. We see the American Revolution in every colonial sermon. We see the Salem Witchcraft Trials in every discussion of Puritan society. We remember Jonathan Edwards almost exclusively through Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God, forgetting that it was but one sermon in a lifetime of ministry. We picture Thomas Jefferson composing the Declaration of Independence as though it sprang complete from a single mind, overlooking the conversations, revisions, debates, and compromises that transformed an inspired draft into the document adopted by the Continental Congress.

The finished work survives.

The struggle that produced it often does not.

The same is true of sermons.

When we read a printed sermon, we do not see the days spent in prayer, the passages of Scripture that were considered and set aside, the conversations that sharpened an idea, or the pages rewritten before the final manuscript reached the pulpit. We inherit the polished text, but not always the process of discernment that gave it life.

This study begins with the conviction that the struggle matters.

Not because we can always recover it in full—we cannot—but because historical documents are not isolated artifacts. They are the visible expressions of lives actually lived. They arose from particular communities, particular friendships, particular fears, particular hopes, and particular moments in time. To understand them, we must first understand the people who created them.

History has another habit as well.

It turns people into symbols.

John Winthrop becomes “the Puritan governor.” Samuel West becomes “the Patriot preacher.” Jonathan Edwards becomes “the preacher of hellfire.” Such descriptions contain elements of truth, but they are incomplete. Before they became symbols, they were people. They were husbands and fathers, pastors and neighbors, students and friends. They rejoiced, doubted, grieved, argued, changed their minds, buried loved ones, celebrated new life, and sought, as best they could, to discern what faithfulness required in their own generation.

That humanity neither excuses their failures nor diminishes their accomplishments.

The Massachusetts Puritans sometimes displayed remarkable courage, generosity, learning, and public virtue. They also excluded, persecuted, and judged in ways that caused real suffering. They could be generous in one moment and narrow in another, perceptive in one generation and blind in the next. Their own theology would have led them to expect nothing less. They believed deeply in the reality of human sin and the continual need for repentance. They did not imagine themselves to be perfect people building a perfect society. They believed themselves to be fallen people seeking, however imperfectly, to order their common life according to the will of God.

That distinction matters.

To understand the past is not to excuse it.

Nor is understanding the same as admiration.

The historian’s first responsibility is neither to defend nor to condemn, but to understand. Before asking whether these men and women were right or wrong, we must first ask what they believed they were doing. Before judging their conclusions, we must understand the questions they were trying to answer.

This is especially true of early New England.

The founders of Massachusetts did not believe they were conducting a political experiment. They believed they were ordering their common life before God. Their first concern was not democracy, constitutional theory, or even the institutions they would eventually establish. Their first concern was covenant. Everything else—the church, the family, the commonwealth, civil government, and the traditions that would emerge from them—flowed from that prior conviction.

If we are to understand seventeenth-century Massachusetts, we must therefore begin where they began.

Not with the end of the story.

Not with the judgments of later generations.

Not even with the institutions they created.

We begin with the questions they asked, the Scriptures they read, the God they worshipped, and the covenant they believed bound them to Him and to one another.

Only then can we begin to understand the world they were trying to build.

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